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Sóc finalista als Young Communicators Award d’Europa

EACD

Al juliol de 2011 em vaig llançar al buit i vaig decidir embarcar-me en un repte electritzant: dirigir la comunicació d’una plataforma de peticions online. Sabia que treballar en una plataforma així era una cosa única. El lloc on podia unir la meva passió per la comunicació amb l’empoderament ciutadà. Amb la política del pròxim. De la quotidianitat. Aquesta aventura no només m’ha donat la satisfacció de créixer personal i professionalment, sinó que també m’ha portat a ser un dels tres finalistes al premi Young Communicators Award que atorga l’Associació Europea de Directors de Comunicació (EACD).

El proper 27 de juny defensaré la meva candidatura a la final que se celebra a la Cimera Europea de Comunicació. Mostraré com en menys de dos anys vam fer uns esforços enormes per crear una marca com Actuable. I dic crear perquè gràcies al treball que realitzem, a Espanya encara es coneix al fet d’iniciar una petició com “fer un Actuable”. El somni de qualsevol professional de la comunicació: que anomenin al teu producte, les peticions online en aquest cas, pel nom de la teva marca.

Però per si fos poc, mostraré que no vam construir una marca, sinó dues. Ho vam fer dues vegades. Perquè al setembre de 2011 vam anunciar la unió amb Change.org. I al maig de 2012, vam fusionar les dues plataformes per crear la plataforma de peticions més gran del món. Un any més tard, més de 4 milions d’usuaris a Espanya inicien i signen peticions en la nova plataforma: Change.org.

De tot això -i perdoneu que no m’estengui, però tampoc puc fer un spoiler del que explicaré aquell dia- parlaré el proper 27 de juny. Fins llavors prepararé a consciència la presentació i pensaré que la clau d’aquest reconeixement és haver treballat colze a colze amb un grandíssim equip per ajudar a la gent a canviar el món. I agrair a la gent com Antoni, Carlos, Raquel, Adolfo, Juan Carlos, Iván o Francisco que m’han acompanyat a arribar fins aquí des dels meus primers passos en el món de la comunicació. I al José per animar-me a presentar la candidatura. Només puc estar agraït per per ser finalista, pel fet que hi hagi qui em consideri un dels tres millors comunicadors joves d’Europa. Creuem els dits.

Article

Hijo de puta, hay que decirlo más

houseofcards

Ho deien a “La hora chanante”: hijo de puta, hay que decirlo más. I és que en veure la primera temporada de la sèrie de Netflix “House of Cards”, no he pogut evitar pensar-hi. Perquè aquesta és la història d’aquesta sèrie, la d’un gran fill de puta.

Amb tots els seus ets i uts. Amb totes les seves dimensions. El personatge de Frank Underwood és un d’aquests polítics que es mouen al seu aire entre les clavegueres de la política. D’aquests polítics que manegen com pocs els fils del poder. Que saben maximitzar els contextos i que creen oportunitats de les crisis.

“House of Cards” enganxa. I molt. Potser està a mig camí entre la visió interna de la política que fa “The West Wing” i la tensió dramàtica de “Homeland”. Això sí, no hi ha cap bonisme. Cinisme, filldeputisme i tensió per tot arreu.

Si t’agrada la política, és la sèrie de la temporada. Si no t’agrada la política, potser també. Perquè, política a part, Kevin Spacey està enorme interpretant a Underwood i la realització és impecable.

La sèrie de David Fincher, oferta a Netflix, acaba de finalitzar la primera temporada. La segona, es començarà a rodar a la primavera. Per mitigar l’espera, trobaràs alternatives a la minisèrie original de la BBC en què està inspirada aquesta joia de la temporada.

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Les quatre vegades d’Obama

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Quan George Washington va renunciar a un tercer mandat, va crear precedent. Algunes fonts afirmen que ho va fer per l’obstinació dels pares fundadors d’evitar com fos que el nou país es convertís en una monarquia. Altres, que estava ja més per al càrrec. El fet va ser que els seus immediats predecessors van seguir la pràctica.

Així, tots els presidents, menys Franklin D. Roosevelt, han servit un màxim de dos mandats. O el que és el mateix, un màxim de dues preses de possessió. Tres si alguna de les dues del mandat queia en diumenge. Però Obama, havent servit només dos mandats, igualarà avui les quatre preses de possessió de Roosevelt.

Per què? Les seves dues preses de possessió han caigut en diumenge? No, de cap manera. Obama va jurar el càrrec com mana la vintena esmena el 20 de gener de 2009. Però el jurament no va anar del tot bé. John Roberts, el president del Tribunal Suprem va iniciar l’acte. Però es va equivocar. Va canviar d’ordre la paraula “faithfully” del jurament. Obama va fer un gest, amb la cara, per a què s’adonés… però no ho va fer. L’error va seguir i va canviar una preposició, on hauria d’haver dit “president of”, el jutge va dir “president to”. I Obama va repetir el que li va dir el magistrat. Encara que estava malament.

L’article segon de la Constitució estableix el jurament. Així que el president Obama no havia jurat com cal. Encara que no era el primer error en la història, la Casa Blanca va decidir repetir el jurament. El consell legal de la Casa Blanca va demanar al jutge que tornés a administrar el jurament. Així, a la tarda del 21 de gener de 2009, Roberts va anar a la Casa Blanca i va prendre jurament a Obama a la Sala de Mapes (Map Room). Va ser una cerimònia amb pocs assistents, el fotògraf oficial de la Casa Blanca va prendre unes instantànies i es va gravar l’àudio del jurament. L’error del primer va suscitar cert debat entre experts de dret constitucional.

Encara que en un primer moment la Casa Blanca va negar que aquest segon jurament prendria lloc, els assessors del president van decidir ser molt curosos davant la gran quantitat de rumors que sempre han envoltat el president.

Avui Obama jurarà el càrrec en una cerimònia privada al Saló Blau de la Casa Blanca. Serà un acte amb la seva família i pocs assistents més durant el servei religiós de diumenge. El mateix jutge que es va equivocar el 2009 li prendrà jurament per complir el que diu la Constitució en la seva vintena esmena.

Dilluns 21 es tornaran a veure les cares. Des que el 1947 va entrar en vigor la vintidosena esmena -la que prohibeix que els presidents estiguin més de dos mandats en el càrrec- Obama és l’únic president en jurar el càrrec en quatre ocasions. Aquesta vegada Roberts té dues oportunitats més per no equivocar-se. I amb aquesta nota acabo: quan Obama era senador i el president Bush va proposar a Roberts per presidir el Suprem, l’avui president va votar en contra del nomenament. Però no farem sang: un mal dia el pot tenir qualsevol.

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Els millors discursos inaugurals de la història

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El 2005, en motiu de la segona presa de possessió de George W. Bush, el Washington Post va publicar un article sobre els millors i els pitjors discursos inaugurals de la història. Avui mostrem els 10 millors discursos de la història.

1. Discurs inaugural d’Abraham Lincoln, 4 de març de 1865

“With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation’s wounds”

2. Discurs inaugural de Franklin D. Roosevelt, 4 de març de 1933

“Let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself—nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.”

3. Discurs inaugural de Theodore Roosevelt, 4 de març de 1905

“We wish peace, but we wish the peace of justice, the peace of righteousness.”


4. Discurs inaugural Ronald Reagan, 20 de gener de 1981

“In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem.”


5. Discurs inaugural de Harry S. Truman, 20 de gener de 1949

“The supreme need of our time is for men to learn to live together in peace and harmony.”

6. Discurs inaugural d’Abraham Lincoln, 4 de març de 1861

“The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.

7. Discurs inaugural de James A. Garfield, 4 de març de 1881

“The supremacy of the nation and its laws should be no longer a subject of debate.”

8. Discurs inaugural de Thomas Jefferson, 4 de març de 1801

“Sometimes it is said that man can not be trusted with the government of himself. Can he, then, be trusted with the government of others?

9. Discurs inaugural de William Howard Taft, 4 de març de 1909

“We cannot permit the possible failure of justice, due to local prejudice in any State or municipal government.”

10. Discurs inaugural de John F. Kennedy, 20 de gener de 1961

“And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you—ask what you can do for your country.”

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El jurament presidencial

999zk. Lyndon Johnson Being Sworn In (Large Version)

Són 35 paraules. Potser, una de les fórmules més conegudes. La tradició, el cinema i la televisió han fet d’aquestes 35 paraules tot un símbol de la presidència. Al migdia del 20 de gener, el president electe dels Estats Units ha jurar o prometre el càrrec per poder accedir-hi. Això és així per dos articles de la constitució dels Estats Units. La data, per la vintena esmena. El jurament, per l’article dos.

Abans del discurs inaugural, el president electe jura o promet el càrrec. Ho fa amb aquesta fórmula recollida en la constitució: “I do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.”

Generalment ho fa quan el president del Tribunal Suprem li pregunta si està preparat per fer-ho. Després d’això, el president electe posa la mà esquerra sobre de la Bíblia que sosté la seva dona i aixeca la mà dreta. El president del Tribunal Suprem començarà a recitar el jurament, que serà repetit pel candidat electe. Després d’això, el rematarà amb un “So help me God”. El president electe ja és president en aquest moment.

Vegem algunes curiositats del moment que acabem de descriure:

La presència del president del Tribunal Suprem
La constitució no parla de qui ha d’administrar el jurament. Així, al llarg de la història diversos càrrecs han tingut aquest honor. Washington va ser investit en presència del canceller de Nova York el 1789. Collidge, per exemple, va ser investit pel seu pare, notari de l’estat de Vermont. Des de John Adams cap president del Tribunal Suprem s’ha perdut una presa de possessió.

Hi ha més juraments que preses de possessió
Es considera que la presa de possessió només és aquella que es produeix segons marca la constitució i el ininterromput calendari electoral nord-americà. Mentre que amb la del proper dia 21 s’hauran celebrat 57 preses de possessió, en total es comptaran aquell dia 73 juraments. La raó? Les ocasions en què el vicepresident ha jurat el càrrec després de la mort del president o les vegades en què un president ha jurat el càrrec en diumenge abans de la presa de possessió, on repeteix el jurament. Hayes (1877), Arthur (1881), Wilson (1917), Coolidge (1923), Eisenhower (1957), Reagan (1985), Obama (2009 i 2013) han hagut de repetir les seves juraments.

Un jurament a l’Air Force One
Després de l’assassinat del president Kennedy a Dallas el 1963, el vicepresident Lyndon B. Johnson va jurar el càrrec de president a bord de l’Air Force One. Una dona, Sarah T. Hughes, va administrar el jurament a Johnson. Fins ara, ha estat l’única dona a fer-ho. El jurament va tenir lloc a l’aeroport Love Field de Dallas, dues hores i vuit minuts després de l’assassinat de Kennedy. Johnson no va usar una Bíblia-no hi havia al Air Force One-i ho va fer sobre un llibre d’oracions que el president tenia al seu despatx.

Jurar o prometre
Només un president, Franklin Pierce, va prometre el càrrec. La resta, l’ha jurat.

“So help me God”
Aquesta frase no està escrita a la Constitució. George Washington va afegir aquesta frase en acabar el seu jurament el 1789 i des de llavors s’ha repetit a la resta d’ocasions.

… and repeat after me
Des de 1929, el jurament es planteja de forma afirmativa, no es pregunta. És a dir, el president electe repeteix el que li diu el president del Tribunal Suprem. És a dir, Obama dirà el següent els pròxims dies 20 i 21: “I Barack Obama do solemny swear…”. No sempre s’afegeix el nom del president electe -Franklin D. Roosevelt va ser el primer-.

Però no ha estat sempre així. Des del primer jurament, es preguntava al president electe: “Do you George Washington solemnly swear …” i en acabar, el president electe es limitava a dir “I do” o “I swear”.

El jurament dels presidents reelegits
Tècnicament no seria necessari que el president electe tornés a jurar el càrrec, però, tots els presidents ho han fet.

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Discurs inaugural de Bill Clinton, 1993

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To renew America, we must be bold. We must do what no generation has had to do before.

“My fellow citizens, today we celebrate the mystery of American renewal. This ceremony is held in the depth of winter, but by the words we speak and the faces we show the world, we force the spring, a spring reborn in the world’s oldest democracy that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent America. When our Founders boldly declared America’s independence to the world and our purposes to the Almighty, they knew that America, to endure, would have to change; not change for change’s sake but change to preserve America’s ideals: life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness. Though we marched to the music of our time, our mission is timeless. Each generation of Americans must define what it means to be an American.

On behalf of our Nation, I salute my predecessor, President Bush, for his half-century of service to America. And I thank the millions of men and women whose steadfastness and sacrifice triumphed over depression, fascism, and communism.

Today, a generation raised in the shadows of the cold war assumes new responsibilities in a world warmed by the sunshine of freedom but threatened still by ancient hatreds and new plagues. Raised in unrivaled prosperity, we inherit an economy that is still the world’s strongest but is weakened by business failures, stagnant wages, increasing inequality, and deep divisions among our own people.

When George Washington first took the oath I have just sworn to uphold, news traveled slowly across the land by horseback and across the ocean by boat. Now, the sights and sounds of this ceremony are broadcast instantaneously to billions around the world. Communications and commerce are global. Investment is mobile. Technology is almost magical. And ambition for a better life is now universal.

Raised in unrivaled prosperity, we inherit an economy that is still the world’s strongest but is weakened by business failures, stagnant wages, increasing inequality, and deep divisions among our own people

We earn our livelihood in America today in peaceful competition with people all across the Earth. Profound and powerful forces are shaking and remaking our world. And the urgent question of our time is whether we can make change our friend and not our enemy. This new world has already enriched the lives of millions of Americans who are able to compete and win in it. But when most people are working harder for less; when others cannot work at all; when the cost of health care devastates families and threatens to bankrupt our enterprises, great and small; when the fear of crime robs law-abiding citizens of their freedom; and when millions of poor children cannot even imagine the lives we are calling them to lead, we have not made change our friend.

We know we have to face hard truths and take strong steps, but we have not done so; instead, we have drifted. And that drifting has eroded our resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our confidence. Though our challenges are fearsome, so are our strengths. Americans have ever been a restless, questing, hopeful people. And we must bring to our task today the vision and will of those who came before us. From our Revolution to the Civil War, to the Great Depression, to the civil rights movement, our people have always mustered the determination to construct from these crises the pillars of our history. Thomas Jefferson believed that to preserve the very foundations of our Nation, we would need dramatic change from time to time. Well, my fellow Americans, this is our time. Let us embrace it.

Our democracy must be not only the envy of the world but the engine of our own renewal. There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is right with America. And so today we pledge an end to the era of deadlock and drift, and a new season of American renewal has begun.

To renew America, we must be bold. We must do what no generation has had to do before. We must invest more in our own people, in their jobs, and in their future, and at the same time cut our massive debt. And we must do so in a world in which we must compete for every opportunity. It will not be easy. It will require sacrifice, but it can be done and done fairly, not choosing sacrifice for its own sake but for our own sake. We must provide for our Nation the way a family provides for its children.

To renew America, we must be bold. We must do what no generation has had to do before.

Our Founders saw themselves in the light of posterity. We can do no less. Anyone who has ever watched a child’s eyes wander into sleep knows what posterity is. Posterity is the world to come: the world for whom we hold our ideals, from whom we have borrowed our planet, and to whom we bear sacred responsibility. We must do what America does best: offer more opportunity to all and demand more responsibility from all. It is time to break the bad habit of expecting something for nothing from our Government or from each other. Let us all take more responsibility not only for ourselves and our families but for our communities and our country.

To renew America, we must revitalize our democracy. This beautiful Capital, like every capital since the dawn of civilization, is often a place of intrigue and calculation. Powerful people maneuver for position and worry endlessly about who is in and who is out, who is up and who is down, forgetting those people whose toil and sweat sends us here and pays our way. Americans deserve better. And in this city today there are people who want to do better. And so I say to all of you here: Let us resolve to reform our politics so that power and privilege no longer shout down the voice of the people. Let us put aside personal advantage so that we can feel the pain and see the promise of America. Let us resolve to make our Government a place for what Franklin Roosevelt called bold, persistent experimentation, a Government for our tomorrows, not our yesterdays. Let us give this Capital back to the people to whom it belongs.

To renew America, we must meet challenges abroad as well as at home. There is no longer a clear division between what is foreign and what is domestic. The world economy, the world environment, the world AIDS crisis, the world arms race: they affect us all. Today, as an older order passes, the new world is more free but less stable. Communism’s collapse has called forth old animosities and new dangers. Clearly, America must continue to lead the world we did so much to make.

Americans deserve better. And in this city today there are people who want to do better. And so I say to all of you here: Let us resolve to reform our politics so that power and privilege no longer shout down the voice of the people.

While America rebuilds at home, we will not shrink from the challenges nor fail to seize the opportunities of this new world. Together with our friends and allies, we will work to shape change, lest it engulf us. When our vital interests are challenged or the will and conscience of the international community is defied, we will act, with peaceful diplomacy whenever possible, with force when necessary. The brave Americans serving our Nation today in the Persian Gulf, in Somalia, and wherever else they stand are testament to our resolve. But our greatest strength is the power of our ideas, which are still new in many lands. Across the world we see them embraced, and we rejoice. Our hopes, our hearts, our hands are with those on every continent who are building democracy and freedom. Their cause is America’s cause.

The American people have summoned the change we celebrate today. You have raised your voices in an unmistakable chorus. You have cast your votes in historic numbers. And you have changed the face of Congress, the Presidency, and the political process itself. Yes, you, my fellow Americans, have forced the spring. Now we must do the work the season demands. To that work I now turn with all the authority of my office. I ask the Congress to join with me. But no President, no Congress, no Government can undertake this mission alone.

My fellow Americans, you, too, must play your part in our renewal. I challenge a new generation of young Americans to a season of service: to act on your idealism by helping troubled children, keeping company with those in need, reconnecting our torn communities. There is so much to be done; enough, indeed, for millions of others who are still young in spirit to give of themselves in service, too. In serving, we recognize a simple but powerful truth: We need each other, and we must care for one another.

Today we do more than celebrate America. We rededicate ourselves to the very idea of America, an idea born in revolution and renewed through two centuries of challenge; an idea tempered by the knowledge that, but for fate, we, the fortunate, and the unfortunate might have been each other; an idea ennobled by the faith that our Nation can summon from its myriad diversity the deepest measure of unity; an idea infused with the conviction that America’s long, heroic journey must go forever upward.

Our hopes, our hearts, our hands are with those on every continent who are building democracy and freedom. Their cause is America’s cause.

And so, my fellow Americans, as we stand at the edge of the 21st century, let us begin anew with energy and hope, with faith and discipline. And let us work until our work is done. The Scripture says, “And let us not be weary in well doing: for in due season we shall reap, if we faint not.” From this joyful mountaintop of celebration we hear a call to service in the valley. We have heard the trumpets. We have changed the guard. And now, each in our own way and with God’s help, we must answer the call.

Thank you, and God bless you all”.

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Discurs inaugural de Ronald Reagan, 1981

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“In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem.”

Senator Hatfield, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. President, Vice President Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O’Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens:

To a few of us here today this is a solemn and most momentous occasion, and yet in the history of our nation it is a commonplace occurrence. The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place, as it has for almost two centuries, and few of us stop to think how unique we really are. In the eyes of many in the world, this every 4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.

Mr. President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition. By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.

The business of our nation goes forward. These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions. We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history. It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed-income elderly alike. It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.

Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, human misery, and personal indignity. Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.

But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending. For decades we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children’s future for the temporary convenience of the present. To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.

You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time. Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we’re not bound by that same limitation? We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow. And let there be no misunderstanding: We are going to begin to act, beginning today.

The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades. They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away. They will go away because we as Americans have the capacity now, as we’ve had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.

In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem. From time to time we’ve been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people. Well, if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else? All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden. The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.

We hear much of special interest groups. Well, our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected. It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines. It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we’re sick—professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truck drivers. They are, in short, “We the people,” this breed called Americans.

Well, this administration’s objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunities for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination. Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work. Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs. All must share in the productive work of this “new beginning,” and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy. With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America, at peace with itself and the world.

So, as we begin, let us take inventory. We are a nation that has a government—not the other way around. And this makes us special among the nations of the Earth. Our government has no power except that granted it by the people. It is time to check and reverse the growth of government, which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.

It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the States or to the people. All of us need to be reminded that the Federal Government did not create the States; the States created the Federal Government.

Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it’s not my intention to do away with government. It is rather to make it work–work with us, not over us; to stand by our side, not ride on our back. Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it; foster productivity, not stifle it.

If we look to the answer as to why for so many years we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here in this land we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before. Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth. The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.

It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government. It is time for us to realize that we’re too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams. We’re not, as some would have us believe, doomed to an inevitable decline. I do not believe in a fate that will fall on us no matter what we do. I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we do nothing. So, with all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal. Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength. And let us renew our faith and our hope.

We have every right to dream heroic dreams. Those who say that we’re in a time when there are not heroes, they just don’t know where to look. You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates. Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond. You meet heroes across a counter, and they’re on both sides of that counter. There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity. They’re individuals and families whose taxes support the government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education. Their patriotism is quiet, but deep. Their values sustain our national life.

Now, I have used the words “they” and “their” in speaking of these heroes. I could say “you” and “your,” because I’m addressing the heroes of whom I speak—you, the citizens of this blessed land. Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.

We shall reflect the compassion that is so much a part of your makeup. How can we love our country and not love our countrymen; and loving them, reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they’re sick, and provide opportunity to make them self-sufficient so they will be equal in fact and not just in theory?

Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic “yes.” To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I’ve just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world’s strongest economy.

In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity. Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government. Progress may be slow, measured in inches and feet, not miles, but we will progress. It is time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden. And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles there will be no compromise.

On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr. Joseph Warren, president of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, “Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of . . . . On you depend the fortunes of America. You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn. Act worthy of yourselves.”

Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children, and our children’s children. And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world. We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.

To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment. We will match loyalty with loyalty. We will strive for mutually beneficial relations. We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for our own sovereignty is not for sale.

As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people. We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it; we will not surrender for it, now or ever.

Our forbearance should never be misunderstood. Our reluctance for conflict should not be misjudged as a failure of will. When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act. We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.

Above all, we must realize that no arsenal or no weapon in the arsenals of the world is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women. It is a weapon our adversaries in today’s world do not have. It is a weapon that we as Americans do have. Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.

I’m told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I’m deeply grateful. We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free. It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inaugural Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.

This is the first time in our history that this ceremony has been held, as you’ve been told, on this West Front of the Capitol. Standing here, one faces a magnificent vista, opening up on this city’s special beauty and history. At the end of this open mall are those shrines to the giants on whose shoulders we stand.

Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man, George Washington, father of our country. A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly. He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood. Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson. The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence. And then, beyond the Reflecting Pool, the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial. Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.

Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery, with its row upon row of simple white markers bearing crosses or Stars of David. They add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for our freedom.

Each one of those markers is a monument to the kind of hero I spoke of earlier. Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno, and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.

Under one such marker lies a young man, Martin Treptow, who left his job in a small town barbershop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division. There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.

We’re told that on his body was found a diary. On the flyleaf under the heading, “My Pledge,” he had written these words: “America must win this war. Therefore I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone.”

The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that Martin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make. It does require, however, our best effort and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds, to believe that together with God’s help we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.

And after all, why shouldn’t we believe that? We are Americans.
God bless you, and thank you.

Article

El discurs inaugural més curt de la història

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El 4 de març de 1793, al Independence Hall de Filadèlfia, George Washington va prendre possessió del seu càrrec per segona vegada. Abans de jurar el càrrec, es va dirigir als assistents en què és el discurs més curt de la història: té només 135 paraules.

Per què tan curt? Per a alguns historiadors, els motius podrien ser el mateix fet d’haver de tornar a passar per una cerimònia així. Washington va preguntar al seu gabinet si era necessari anar. La brevetat i, especialment, el to del discurs fa pensar que reflecteix també els sentiments de Washington per veure forçat a romandre al poder quatre anys més.

La segona presa de possessió va ser ràpida, directa i gens pomposa. Després jurar el càrrec per segona vegada, va tornar a la seva residència. Aquest és el discurs:

Fellow Citizens:
I am again called upon by the voice of my country to execute the functions of its Chief Magistrate. When the occasion proper for it shall arrive, I shall endeavor to express the high sense I entertain of this distinguished honor, and of the confidence which has been reposed in me by the people of united America.
Previous to the execution of any official act of the President the Constitution requires an oath of office. This oath I am now about to take, and in your presence: That if it shall be found during my administration of the Government I have in any instance violated willingly or knowingly the injunctions thereof, I may (besides incurring constitutional punishment) be subject to the upbraidings of all who are now witnesses of the present solemn ceremony.

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Les primeres vegades de les preses de possessió

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Després de més de 200 anys celebrant preses de possessió, moltes coses han canviat. Sempre hi ha hagut una primera vegada per a alguna cosa. En aquesta llista, veiem alguns dels canvis que s’han anat produint al llarg dels segles:

  • George Washington va ser el primer president a prendre possessió del càrrec. Ho va fer a Nova York.
  • George Washington també va ser el primer president a prendre possessió del càrrec a Filadèlfia. I el primer a fer-ho en dues ciutats.
  • Franklin D. Roosevelt va ser el primer a prendre possessió un 20 de gener. I l’últim a fer-ho un 4 de març.
  • Obama serà el primer president en jurar el càrrec quatre vegades: dues el 2009 per un error i dues el 2013 en caure en diumenge el 20 de gener. Ja ho vam comentar en aquest post.
  • Thomas Jefferson va ser el primer president en prendre possessió del càrrec en el Capitoli.
  • Jefferson va ser el primer i únic president en arribar al Capitoli a peu.
  • La US Marine Band va tocar per primera vegada en una presa de possessió en la de Thomas Jefferson.
  • La primera vegada que la Inauguration es va celebrar a les escalinates del West Portico va ser amb Ronald Reagan.
  • El primer president en convidar a un poeta a la seva presa de possessió va ser JFK.
  • El primer ball inaugural va ser a la presa de possessió de James Madison.
  • La primera vegada que van participar persones negres en la desfilada de la presa de possessió va ser el 1865 a la d’Abraham Lincoln.
  • La primera vegada que van participar representants del moviment LGTB a la desfilada inaugural va ser a la primera presa de possessió d’Obama el 2009.
  • La primera presa de possessió emesa per ràdio a nivell nacional va ser la de Calvin Coolidge.
  • La presa de possessió de Harry S. Truman va ser la primera televisada.
  • La primera vegada que es va emetre en directe per streaming a internet una presa de possessió va ser la de Bill Clinton el 1997.
  • La presa de possessió de William Howard Taft el 1909 va ser la primera, de les cerimònies concebudes per a exterior, en haver de celebrar-se a l’interior per les condicions climatològiques adverses
  • Des de la presa de possessió de John Adams, cap president del Tribunal Suprem ha faltat a la cita.
  • Un comitè especial del Congrés amb membres de les dues cambres organitza les preses de possessió des de 1901.
  • Franklin D. Roosevelt va ser el primer i únic president a donar el seu discurs inaugural des de la Casa Blanca.
  • El primer president en no assistir a la presa de possessió del seu successor va ser John Adams, que no va anar a la de Jefferson.
  • El 1937 les preses de possessió del president i vicepresident van tenir lloc en la mateixa cerimònia.
  • George Washington va ser el primer president en afegir les paraules “So help me God” al jurament.
  • Franklin Pierce va ser el primer i únic president a prometre el càrrec i no jurar-lo.
  • William McKinley va ser el primer president a fer el seu discurs després de prendre jurament.
  • Des de la presa de possessió d’Eisenhower el 1953, s’ofereix un dinar en honor al President al Congrés.
  • Des de la segona presa de possessió de Jefferson el 1805, després de la presa de possessió el president desfila cap a la Casa Blanca per l’avinguda de Pennsilvània.
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Hail to the Chief: l’himne del president

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El president dels Estats Units té un himne propi: el “Hail to the Chief”. Salutacions al cap, aclamem el cap; vindria a ser la traducció. El protocol marca que quan el president arribi a un acte, soni aquest himne. Una melodia coneguda fora i dins dels Estats Units que mostra com poques l’essència de la presidència. Com no, aquest himne té el seu protagonisme en la presa de possessió.

Fixa’t bé: el proper 21 de gener, quan s’anunciï l’arribada del president Obama a les escalinates del Capitoli per ocupar el seu lloc, sonarà aquest himne. I ho farà perquè el president ja és president. El gener del 2008, quan Obama va ser anunciat com a últim convidat en arribar a la presa de possessió no va sonar. Encara no era president. Però just quan va acabar de jurar el seu càrrec, quan tot just havia pronunciat “So help me God”, va sonar el Hail to the Chief. Obama ja era president.

En moltes ocasions, aquest himne està interpretat per “la seva” pròpia banda de música. La United States Marine Band que acompanya el president en els actes oficials. De fet, hi va haver certa polèmica a l’inici del mandat d’Obama perquè el president va decidir relaxar el protocol i utilitzar la banda i l’himne el menys possible.

Quan el Hail to the Chief sona per al president, sona un motiu introductori tipus fanfàrria, quatre “ruffles and flourishes”. Són quatre perquè aquesta fanfàrria s’usa en altres cerimònies i depenent del grau de la persona en honor a la que sona, augmenta o disminueix el seu nombre. Així, sona la fanfàrria, s’anuncia el president i sonen les notes del Hail to the Chief.

Algunes fonts indiquen que va començar a usar-se de forma oficial per anunciar la presència del president des de la presidència de James K. Polk, tal com indica l’historiador William Seale: “Polk was not an impressive figure, so some announcement was necessary to avoid the embarrassment of his entering a crowded room unnoticed. At large affairs the band…rolled the drums as they played the march…and a way was cleared for the President.” En tot cas, no va ser fins al mandat de Truman en què el Departament de Defensa va oficialitzar aquest homenatge al president.

L’origen de la melodia es troba en l’obra “The Lady of the Lake” de Sir Walter Scott, de gran èxit al Regne Unit. Quan l’obra va arribar a Nova York el maig de 1812, ja existien variacions en el text amb “Hail to the Chief” com a part. Noves versions que es van popularitzar. Aquest mateix any, l’himne va sonar en honor a George Washington i al final de la guerra de 1812. El 1829 el president Jackson va ser el primer a usar-lo en el seu honor. Martin Van Buren i John Tyler ho van usar en les seves preses de possessió i va sonar en la inauguració del canal de Chesapeake i Ohio a la qual va assistir John Quincy Adams.

L’himne té lletra, encara que rarament s’usa. Et recomano la versió de The Mormon Tabernacle Choir. La lletra diu així:

Hail to the Chief we have chosen for the nation,
Hail to the Chief! We salute him, one and all.
Hail to the Chief, as we pledge cooperation
In proud fulfillment of a great, noble call.
Yours is the aim to make this grand country grander,
This you will do, that’s our strong, firm belief.
Hail to the one we selected as commander,
Hail to the President! Hail to the Chief!

Però no creguis que el president és l’únic a tenir un himne. El vicepresident dels Estats Units també en té: el “Hail, Columbia”. De fet, és una cançó patriòtica que va ser considerada un dels himnes no oficials del país, fins que el 1931 es va adoptar el “The Star-Spangled Banner” com a himne.

També conegut com “The President’s March”, fou utilitzada en la primera presa de possessió de George Washington a Nova York el 1789. L’himne va ser compost per Philip Phile i actualment serveix amb el mateix propòsit que el Hail to the Chief per al vicepresident. També va precedit per quatre “ruffles and flourishes” i podràs veure com sona quan el vicepresident jura el càrrec.